Wolfe Brask (handtin35)

It results in ∼ 1.5 % of the injected droplets reaching persons sitting across the table, and a similar indoor environment is not recommended. Wearing a mask in the case of eight ACH has presented the best scenario out of the six cases, with a 6.5 % improvement in the number of droplets entrained in the outlet vent and a 9 s decrease in their average residence time compared to the case without a mask. No droplets have reached persons sitting across the table when the infected person is wearing the mask, which follows that a social distancing of 6 ft with a mask is adequate in indoor environments.On September 20, 2017, Hurricane Maria made landfall in Puerto Rico as a Category 4 hurricane with sustained winds of 155 miles per hour and torrential rains that ravaged the United States territory. In the midst of the crisis, several hundred thousand Maria survivors boarded humanitarian flights and cruise ships, seeking refuge on the United States mainland. More than three years later, tens of thousands of post-Maria migrants remain on the mainland as long-term emigres. In this article, we lay the theoretical/conceptual groundwork for researchers and practitioners interested in understanding the experiences of post-Maria migrants. Specifically, we aim to assist readers in thinking deeply about [1] why many Puerto Ricans relocated, [2] the experiences of post-Maria migrants en movimiento, and [3] how such experiences shape their lives, behavior, and well-being. In understanding the experiences of post-Maria migrants, several theories/constructs emerge as especially salient. These include "push and pull" models, cultural stress theory and its transnational variants, the concept of crisis migration, and models of cumulative risk. We provide a succinct overview of each of these theories/constructs and describe the broad perspectives that serve as a foundational or orienting paradigm for our work (i.e., the life course perspective, the strengths perspective, and an ecodevelopmental framework). Finally, we provide illustrations of how these theories/concepts apply to emerging data from the Adelante Boricua study, an ongoing research project with post-Maria migrant youth and their parents, supported by funding from the National Institute on Minority Health and Health Disparities.The opioid crisis is the most persistent, long-term public health emergency facing the United States, and available evidence suggests the crisis has worsened during the COVID-19 global pandemic. Naloxone is an effective overdose response that saves lives, but the drug does not address problematic drug use, addiction, or the underlying conditions that lead to overdoses. The opioid crisis is at its core a multidisciplinary, multisystem problem, and an effective response to the crisis requires collaboration across those various systems. This paper describes such a collaborative effort. The Tempe First-Responder Opioid Recovery Project is a multidisciplinary partnership that includes police officers, social workers, substance use peer counselors, public health professionals, police researchers, and drug policy/harm reduction researchers. The project, 10 months underway, trained and equipped Tempe (AZ) police officers to administer Narcan. In addition, a 24/7 in-person "Crisis Outreach Response Team" rapidly responds to any suspected overdose and offers follow-up support, referrals, and services to the individual (and loved ones) for up to 45 days after the overdose. We present preliminary project data including interviews with project managers, counselors, and police officers, descriptions of Narcan administrations in the field, and aggregate data on client service engagement. These data highlight the complexity of the opioid crisis, the collaborative nature of the Tempe project, and the importance of initiating a multidisciplinary, comprehensive response to effectively deal with the opioid problem.We examine how out-of-pocket health care spending by single-moth